Alternative therapies may be used by these groups to induce belief discount advair diskus 250 mcg with visa, thus strengthening the religious dimension (which can qualify for charitable status with resulting tax benefits) trusted advair diskus 250 mcg. We believe that 500 mcg advair diskus mastercard, subject to the necessity to maintain the principle of freedom of religion in this country, they [the cults] should be carefully and continuously monitored in order to ensure that they do not become a threat to the health and wellbeing of those who enter into association 15 with them. Another idea which enters the public domain with this report, is that many alternative therapies are actually bad for you. Never is the information about health damage caused by alternative medicine compared to the dangers implicit in pharmacological treatment, or surgical intervention. Rarely are references given for claims and never are these claims the result of scientific studies. The 365 traditional points in acupuncture, run near, some perilously so, to vital structures, and complications ranging from the minor to the serious and the fatal have been reported. The public should not be exposed to acupuncturists who have not been trained to understand the relationship between the acupuncture points and anatomical structures, and also the physiology of organ structure. The potential dangers of local and systemic infection following an invasive technique such as acupuncture are real and well documented. While strict asepsis and sterile needles are self-evident requirements, we were led to believe it was an aim rather neglected in practice. Chapter Twenty Seven The Campaign Against Health Fraud, Part Two: Early Targets Ordinary monopolies comer the market; radical monopolies disable people from doing or 1 making things on their own. Caroline Richmond called the first meeting of what was to be called the Campaign Against Health Fraud in 1988. She had been laying the foundation for the group, gathering information and organising critical attacks upon clinical ecologists and allergy doctors, for at least two years previously. The campaigns against allergy medicine in particular, and clinical ecology generally, had perhaps been strongest during the previous decade in the north of England. The pragmatism of industrial Protestantism is seemingly unwilling to accept ideas about the delicate interleaving of the mind and body, and the hard commercial instinct remains unconvinced by alien notions of industry being bad for the health. In the mid-eighties, after going to work with Wellcome, Caroline Richmond consolidated her friendships with a variety of natural allies, most especially orthodox doctors working in the field of immunology. Two doctors in particular, Dr Tim David and Dr David Pearson, joined Richmond in her campaign against the alternative treatment of allergy. His first stop was Manchester University where he had previously received his PhD. Dr Tim David also became prominent in the early eighties working as a paediatrician, with an interest in allergy, at Booth Hall Hospital in Manchester. Both David and Pearson felt particularly offended by the work and life style of Dr Keith Mumby. Mumby, a writer as well as a doctor, had come late to environmental medicine, and when he did get involved, it was with great enthusiasm. By the mid-eighties Dr Mumby was at the centre of a small northern contingent of environmental practitioners. Another doctor who had been attracted to environmental medicine and especially to food allergy treatment was Dr David Freed, at that time based in Prestwich near Manchester. Despite being a classically trained allergist and immunologist, Freed turned away from orthodox medicine and towards clinical ecology in the late seventies. He is a large, bearded man, whose avuncular nature disguises a clear, disciplined mind. It was during his postgraduate training at Manchester University that Dr Freed first met Dr Pearson. In the mid-eighties, Dr Freed was working with an allergy therapist and dietician, Anna Foster. From the early eighties onwards, these northern practitioners were to become the subjects of a propaganda assault organised by Caroline Richmond and her two close friends. While at Manchester University, Pearson carried out an investigation into people who said 2 they suffered from food allergy; he later published the study. Pearson and his psychiatrically trained colleagues took a small group of individuals who either maintained that they suffered from allergy, or had been diagnosed as so suffering. Only 5 out of the 35 patients produced reproducible symptoms in a double blind test. The researchers concluded that the remaining 30 patients were suffering from psychiatric complaints. This single piece of research by Pearson was to form the basis for the next decade of campaigning against doctors working in the field of allergy. Even in those early days of the campaign against clinical ecology, the vested interests supporting orthodox allergy work were beginning to show. In November 1986, a large two-day conference of classical allergists and immunologists 4 was held in London. The conference was sponsored by a leading nutrition company, Wyeth Nutrition, and held at Regents College. About twelve doctors attended a critical seminar prior to the conference at the Royal College of Physicians, at which each paper and potential chapter was discussed. In the mid-eighties, Richmond was already developing the tactics and gathering the intelligence, which were to form the basis of her work for the Campaign Against Health Fraud. A year after the Swiss Cottage conference, in Autumn 1987, while working at the North West Allergy Clinic, David Freed received a phone call from Caroline Richmond. She introduced herself as a journalist and asked for his comments on an article which she had written about the clinic. Although there was nothing factually wrong with the article, the slant of it was antagonistic to environmental 5 medicine. In the article, Richmond accused Anna Foster of making a false diagnosis of the patient. Dr Freed, who had been present during the consultation, knew that no mistake had been made. Freed was so concerned about the style and the content of the article that he immediately rang the Medical Protection Society, who in turn put pressure on Richmond to withdraw her story. At the time, Freed recalls, there were a number of heated exchanges between himself, Foster and Richmond over the phone. By the end of 1987, Dr Freed had a very clear idea that he was considered by Caroline Richmond and her small group of campaigners to be in the enemy camp. When it became apparent that Anna Foster was not going to take part in an interview, Richmond used tactics which were to become common in later campaigns. The continual calls, as late as midnight, became so annoying that Foster was forced to refer the matter to the Press Council. The Beginning of the Campaign Against Health Fraud The major players in the British health-fraud movement, Caroline Richmond, Dr David Pearson, Dr Vincent Marks, Professor Michael Baum and Dr Nick Beard, had been coming together since 1985. They were all heavily involved in the defence of scientific medicine and most of them had a connection, however tenuous, with the Wellcome Foundation!. Each founder member also had contacts who would be drawn into the campaign and help in reporting information and publicising cases. Campbell was later to claim on a number of occasions that he had never been a member. There are, however, a number of references from the early days of the organisation which show clearly that he was involved, f f t As well as working in the Wellcome Institute, and receiving a Wellcome bursary, Richmond acquired 250 Wellcome shares in December 1986. Around the time that the Campaign was launched, Campbell had meetings with Caroline Richmond and Nick Beard. At around the same time that it became public that the Campaign was funded by the Wellcome Foundation, Campbell began to distance himself from the organising core of the Campaign, and later claimed that he had never been a member. For the purposes of this book, Duncan Campbell has been considered as an associate member of the Campaign Against Health Fraud. He used information supplied to the Campaign and was happy to use its founder members as a rich source of quotes for his articles, without questioning their vested interests. This is a clear indication that the British Campaign had links with the American Council. Following the meeting, Caroline Richmond sent round a circular to the press and interested parties. She told a number of people that she had almost lost her job as a consequence of using the Wellcome address at the bottom of the leaflet. In an attempt to correct the blunder she later replaced the Wellcome address with a box number and her home telephone number.
By June 1969 discount advair diskus 100 mcg on-line, they had used this power to ban at least six books on alternative health advair diskus 100 mcg line. Miller of the National Health Federation claimed that there were three more bans threatened discount 250 mcg advair diskus free shipping. One witness said that he had been approached by the pharmaceutical companies after it had become public that he would be giving evidence. Although the American Medical Association and the Food and Drug Administration have always been the wellspring of the health-fraud movement in America, they are closely followed by front organisations for industry and public relations companies. One cause and one document have become seminal in the historical understanding of the post-war anti-quackery movement. They linked up with other groups which had a vested economic interest in supporting allopathic medicine, principally, the insurance companies, licensing boards, 23 colleges and lobbyists. It drew together official government agencies with the representatives of business organisations and Foundation-funded campaigning medical groups. Nevertheless, it was the Coordinating Conference on Health Information which launched an all-out offensive against alternative and non-orthodox practitioners across the United States. The American Cancer Foundation was responsible for assessing likely targets, and gathering intelligence on alternative cancer treatment organisations. They avoided declaring government interests by not describing the 27 group as a committee at which they would officially have had to record their presence. These agencies in their attacks upon small alternative practitioners rarely used the courts or the police. More often they utilised the regulatory power of professional bodies, the Federal Trade Commission, the Post Office Department, the Food and Drug Administration and the United States Public Health Service. They were approached by the large Foundations, and prompted to initiate policing actions against 28 targeted people. In many cases, people were arrested for selling, or sometimes giving away, booklets which advertised such innocuous health practices as taking vitamins! These distributors now found themselves under restraining orders from the Post Office, the Department of Justice and the Food and Drug Administration. Others who were distributing various salves, nostrums and other preparations, most of them based on herbal formulae, received heavy fines and prison sentences. It was never alleged 29 that a single person had ever been injured, much less killed, by any of these preparations. Behind this smokescreen, the pharmaceutical companies continued to sell treatments which had not been tested, were not effective and in some cases caused terrible damage. One of the most energetic attacks from this conspiracy was fermented against those who advocated the anti-cancer treatment laetrile. The Bills were preceded by Committee hearings which came to be known as the Pepper Hearings. One of the Bills called for a national clearing house for consumer health information. The next appearance of the non-statutory health fraud movement coincided with the defeat of the Pepper Bills. Such information was to be fed to government agencies by the emergent National Council Against Health Fraud. These ranged from individuals promoting nutritional supplements and vitamins to any form of treatment described as holistic, including homoeopathy, naturopathy, and faith healing. Diagnostic aids such as hair analysis and cytotoxic testing for food allergies and any alternative cancer therapies were listed for censure. This first propaganda offensive was followed by the first National Health Fraud Conference, held in September 1985 at the National Press Club in Washington. Surprisingly, it was the gay community who first began to seriously V demonstrate against the National Council Against Health Fraud. The Speas 7 Foundation gets its money from the Speas company, a processed food manufacturer. Now promoted as an authoritative commentator on health issues, Renner, who trained as a psychiatrist, filed for bankruptcy in the early seventies, leaving creditors wanting for over a 8 million dollars. The Kansas City Group has been responsible for campaigns against a number of herbal and natural treatments, most particularly a series of preparations designed by Dr Kurt Donsbach under the label of Herbalife. They included Fraud Unit investigators from the Sacramento Department of Health posing as Herbalife distributors. He names the companies which supported these promotional strategies in the eighties as Lederle, Syntex and Hoffmann-LaRoche. Paul Chusid, a past President of Grey Advertising which handles both Syntex and Lederle accounts in America, told Lisa that many of the health fraud campaigns originated in his office. Such claims are also undermined by the fact that three of its major activists, Dr Victor Herbert, Stephen Barrett and William Jarvis, are also on the Scientific Advisory Board of the American Council on Science and Health. These are meant to issue literature and call upon speakers in specialised areas of medical fraud. However, pharmaceutically and medically induced illness (iatrogenesis), any kind of chemically-induced ill health, or any orthodox but exploitative practices do not appear as working party subjects. These organisations are mainly independent of the American industry-influenced Union. In 1980, Victor Herbert, the doyen of health fraud activists in the United States, published a 11 collection of his writings entitled Nutrition Cultism: Facts and Fiction. Herbert cut his teeth on laetrile (B17), a treatment for cancer synthesised in the 1940s from apricot kernels by Ernest T. And anyone who speaks out against quackery is accused of being part of that conspiracy... While warning against preservatives, he is careful not to mention that an ounce of Swiss cheese, which you might eat in a sandwich, contains the amount of calcium propionate used to preserve two loaves of bread... He or she is now someone spreading criminal rumours about the dangers of additives and sugar. Quacks are here defined as those who spread despondency and lower morale by criticising capitalism. Using such criteria, criminalisation has extended to a great cohort of ill-defined people who question the nutritional and toxic status of modern processed food. By the end of the 1980s, this semantic medical criminalisation was leaching into ever-wider areas. Lastly are those with antagonistic attitudes, people who believe that the food supply is depleted I3 and contaminated or that physicians are butchers. These are the wrong-minded, a major group who fall prey to charlatans and tricksters. Yet such a grouping contains those who have every right and reason to believe in alternative life-styles and frames of philosophical reference, including the use of complementary medicine. Rarely do they practise only single alternatives, such as homoeopathy or acupuncture. For this reason, the term eclectic is often used by Americans to describe a physician who uses a variety of alternatives or complementary Practices. Levin had been a holistic, mainly nutritional, family practitioner for twenty years before he was forced to stop practising and become a full time defendant in 1980. Levin had not seen the patients in question since 1976 when they left his practice, apparently happy with their treatment. Levin believed, wrongly as it transpired, that the fact that he could not know what he was charged with, or by whom he was charged, was unconstitutional. The first legal wrangle over the anonymity of the complainant and ownership of the patient records took six years to resolve. In September of 1986, Levin turned over the three patient records, but it was not until June 1989 that he heard back from New York State Administration — some thirteen years after his last dealings with the patients in question. I was accused of negligence and incompetence, and as if to emphasise it, gross negligence and gross incompetence, and finally fraud. Simply because I was testing patients for nutritional 15 deficiencies and using orthomolecularf principles in my practice. He recognised them because there had been hearings as to whether the medical insurance companies should compensate the patients for their treatments. After a thirteen-year lapse in framing the charges, Levin was given only ten days to respond. A A A When the hearing began, Warren Levin found out who was giving evidence against him. He speaks constantly of the need for, and the importance of, science and double blind studies. Out of line with most other thinkers in the field, even orthodox doctors, Herbert opposes the need for vitamin supplements for elderly patients.
They also formulated a simple basic hypothesis: “If one individual has access to information not available to another generic 250mcg advair diskus overnight delivery, then under certain circumstances and with known sensory channels rigidly controlled buy advair diskus 500 mcg on line, the second individual can demonstrate knowledge of this information at a higher level than that compatible with the alternative explanation of chance guessing cheap advair diskus 500mcg with mastercard. For their subjects they used 22 volunteer psychology students, who operated in pairs. The information to be communicated consisted of a set of 23 concepts which seemed likely to evoke a wide range of emotional reactions, and which could be sym bolized by simple line drawings (including, for example, home, sleep, sorrow, sunshine, and the Pill). The sender in each pair sat at a row of five display panels, one of which was illuminated for 25 seconds. The receiver faced a similar row of the five symbols, all illuminated, with a button below each. He used the appro priate button to signal the concept he thought had been “transmitted” by the sender. The sender had to concentrate on the illuminated symbol for 25 seconds, and then relax for 5 seconds while the receiver made a choice. Electrodes are attached to the scalp over the subject’s frontal 164 The Climate for Medicine cortex to transm it electrical brain activities through an amplifier to a machine. In front of the subject there is a button which, if pressed, causes an “interesting scene” to appear on a television screen. About one second before the subject presses the button an electrical charge occurs in a large area of the subject’s cortex. Intelligent subjects soon realize that what they “intend” “produces” the expected result before they have actually moved a finger. T o sustain the effect, it is essential that subjects “want” the event to occur, and concentrate on it occurring. W hen subjects’ attention wan ders, as for example with a m onotonous presentation, or if they concentrate on concentration, they receive no pictures. A num ber of them are chronicled by Andrija Puharich, a physician who has worked extensively with psychics and healers. Geller was able to identify which box contained a metal airplane at odds of one million to one. He also reproduced instantaneously and with great accuracy drawings done by others miles away. These include psychokinesis—bending metal objects, moving objects, stopping and starting watches—and materialization and dematerialization. But it is enjoying m ore acceptance than ever, in part because physics itself, the most sublime of the sciences, is moving in strange directions. Koestler stresses the convergence of theoretical physics and parapsychological phenom enon. In a chapter entitled “T he Perversity o f Physics,” he assesses the em erging body of theory and its trajectory into the mysterious. He quotes Sir A rthur Eddington: [I]n the world of physics we watch a shadow graph perfor mance of familiar life. The shadow of my elbow rests on the shadow table as the shadow-ink flows over the shadow paper;. Many scientists refuse to examine the shifting and flimsy base upon which they stand. For centuries man has used carefully constructed filters to deflect certain data that did not fit prevailing paradigm s. Inform ation has been ignored because it threatened the premises of the existing scientific enterprise, or because it was generated by suspect inves tigators. But given the steady accumulation of evidence of paranorm al phenom ena, the filters will have to be changed and the paradigm s altered—and this is as true o f medicine as it is of physics. For centuries we have assumed that we were a species apart, creatures of a different order and type, unrelated to other life forms. M odern medicine has built upon this premise by isolating patients for treatm ent, but worse, by isoladng patients from their environm ents. We live in a complex network of interactions—we are not a shielded, invulnerable species. If oriented so that base lines face magnetic north- south and east-west, a used razor blade placed within and along the axis east-west can be resharpened indefinitely. Nelya Mikhailova52 and Uri Geller have little in common except one thing: telepathic and psychokinetic capabilities. Mikhailova can move small objects short distances at will without touching them, although with great exertion. Even the most recalcitrant physician is coming to the real ization that acupuncture works. What is known repudiates the “specific” theory o f pain which is incorporated into W estern medical practice. All that is clear is that acupuncturists trigger pain-blocking mechanisms in the body through the isolation of points for the insertion and m anipulation of needles. However, on the as sum ption that trial and error would have been inefficient (and perhaps painful), it is possible that the body signals its vulnerabilities, that it can cause alterations in its energy field. The work o f Harold B urr o f the Yale School of Medicine and Cleve Backster has dem onstrated an “energy field” or aura that surrounds the body. In The Fields of Life: Our Links With the Universe,53 B urr reports fluctuations in the body’s energy field at ovulation, and abnormalities in the fields of women with cancer of the cervix. He has dem onstrated their receptivity to Medicine, Society, and Culture 167 stimuli m easured first with a polygraph and m ore recently with an electroencephalogram. But there is some evidence that its premises may be sound, however much it is inflated in practice. A handful o f recent studies reveal statistically significant correlations between “cosmic” events and hum an behavior. For example, in a study o f m ore than 500,000 births in New York hospitals between 1948 and 1957, there was a clear and unmistakable trend for m ore births to occur during a waxing rather than waning moon. Data on traffic accidents in both Russia and Germany dem onstrate that m ore accidents, as many as four times more, occur on the day following solar flare eruptions as on other days. In The Cosmic Clocks,57 Gauquelin summarizes m ore than 20 years of research on sidereal phenom ena. His initial work focused on the relationship between the rise of the planets Mars and Saturn at the time of the birth of children who subsequently became successful physicians. The results were statistically significant; the chance odds are roughly 10 million to one. Correlations have been found with the ascendancy of Mars for soldiers, athletes, and politicians. Writers, painters, and musicians are negatively correlated with the influence of Mars and Saturn but positively with no other configuration. Moreover, research of this sort should be chal 168 The Climate for Medicine lenged and more should be done. T he point is that prevail ing explanations do not and cannot contain the results. As G unther Stent, a biologist at Stanford, pointed out in Scientific American,58 telepathy, precognition, and psycho kinesis breach elem entary physical laws, and hence do not “fit” the traditional means of explaining things. In Supemature,59 Lyall Watson, a biologist and zoologist, discusses most the studies of paranorm al phenom ena m en tioned in this chapter. Supemature is a survey of the litera ture and research focused on the interconnectedness of hum anity and the rest of nature. As Watson says: Too often we see only what we expect to see: our view of the world is restricted by the blinkers of our limited experience, but it need not be this way. I offer it as a logical exten sion of the present state of science as a solution to some of the problems with which traditional science cannot cope and as an analgesic to modern man. Few aspects of human behavior are so persistent as our need to believe in things unseen—and as a biologist, I find it hard to accept that this is purely fortuitous. The belief, or the strange things to which this belief is so stubbornly attached, must have real survival value, and I think that we are rapidly approaching a situation in which this value will become apparent. As man uses up the resources of the world, he is going to have to rely more and more on his own. Many of these are at the moment concealed in the occult—a word that simply means “secret knowledge” and is a very good description of something that we have known all along but have been hiding from ourselves. As a prim er to the stu dent o f the occult, in the sense of secret or unknown science, * From Supemature by Lyall Watson. But W atson is also a scientist —his agnosticism transform s the book into som ething more than occult gossip. W atson continuously exposes the reader to his doubts and reflections, while stopping short of slam ming doors.
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